The following is from an email response I sent today regarding recurring confusion about how much leeway county parties have in allocating delegates. It is followed by the original message I responded to.
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This is an issue that came up (again) when I was running for Treasurer. I did quite a bit of research into it and came across the attached file that provides a fairly comprehensive history of how we arrived at today’s process, dating back to when such things were regulated by state law.
In summary, the state party adheres to the principle of letting each organization govern itself without dictating a “one size fits all” solution from on high. There was some disagreement regarding what the language meant, and this dispute was resolved by clarifying the language through a standing rule. The argument that the standing rule is void because it violates the constitution fails to acknowledge the purpose of a standing rule (or its role in this case), or the notion that there could be any ambiguity in the language (which the authors acknowledged as a possibility in Article XII, Section 9).
While the argument attempts to increase its credibility by citing “legal principle” and using some Latin, there is a rather glaring hole in the position. Without the effective parenthetical note in the commas, the sentence reads “The County Party shall designate… the number of delegates to be elected in each individual caucus meeting.” The method for making that designation was inserted into the middle of the sentence, which is “based upon the relative Republican strength of each precinct.”
If the presumption was that ALL delegates would be elected at caucus meetings, the language could have simply said “All delegates will be elected in each individual caucus meeting, and will be allocated among precincts based on relative Republican strength.” Instead, the method is left to each county party to decide. The only restriction is that, for those delegates that will be elected in the caucuses, they must be allocated in a specific way.
So, the legal principle cited does actually apply, but not in the way argued. It applies in that, for those delegates elected in the precincts, no other method may be used to allocate those delegates than by relative Republican strength. However, it still allows the central committee in each county to determine how best to assign delegates in their own county, and does not prohibit methods in addition to caucus elections.
United in Liberty,
Lynn
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And the original message I responded to:
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Article XII Section1.A (12.1.A) states: “The County Party shall
designate, based upon the relative Republican strength of each
precinct, the number of delegates to be elected in each individual
caucus meeting.”
The express mention of one thing excludes all others of that
class–the legal principle of “Expressio unius est exclusio alterius”.
Since that is the ONLY allocation of delegates specified in the state
party constitution, no other allocation would be appropriate.
There is a standing Rule, which “overrides” this. It came from the
SCC, as I understand it, which is mostly party-stablishment hacks. But
the fact is, a standing rule cannot overrule the constitution, so it
is utterly invalid.
Recognizing this, at the 2006 State Convention, party leadership tried
to pass an amendment that would gut article 12.1.A, and allow counties
to allocate delegates as they wish. It needed a 2/3 majority to pass.
It only got 40% (not even a simple majority–and that was with the
unconstitutional delegates included among those voting on it!).
Even though the amendment failed miserably, the state party leaders,
and our county party continued to ignore article 12, and not enforce
it on counties that violate it.
Our county C&B, which assign ex officio delegates, are in blatant
violation of article 12 of the state party constitution.
Article VII.A (7.A) of the state party constitution states “Any
provision of those documents that is contrary to state law or to a
specific provision of this Constitution is null and void.”
All of Utah County’s ex officio delegates (other than the precinct
chairs and vice chairs, who are allocated to the precincts, and
elected there) are thus unconstitutional delegates.
Since the process to address that failed, we need to follow the rules,
and get rid of them. The first step to that is education of the rules.
The second is probably getting people to believe that the so-called
justification “we can’t get people to work unless we grant them
unconstitutional delegate status” is a fallacy. I think that if we
return to being a party of principle, rather than a party of
protecting incumbents’ power, we will generate all kinds of
enthusiasm.
There are some principles in Robert’s that point out that the way we
combine the delgate status with precinct chair and vice chair is also
inappropriate. However, that is a little more subtle. I think it
should be the final effort of rectifying the current travesty, and
that we should fight this battle in increments. As was demonstrated
today, the CCC is not yet familiar enough with the issues to make the
right calls on all of this right now.



